Tuesday, November 26, 2019

Consumer Behaviour †Theory and Practice The WritePass Journal

Consumer Behaviour – Theory and Practice 1.0 Introduction and Discussion – 20% Consumer Behaviour – Theory and Practice 1.0 Introduction and Discussion – 20%2.0 Critical Analysis (Theory) – 50%2.1 Definition of Consumer Boycott2.2 Advantages of Boycotting2.3 Disadvantages of Boycotting2.4 Example of Successful Boycott2.5 Solution for Companies to handle boycott3.0 Conclusion – 20% 1.0 Introduction and Discussion – 20% 2.0 Critical Analysis (Theory) – 50%2.1 Perception2.2 Attitudes2.2.1 Definition of Attitudes2.2.2 The functions of Attitudes2.2.3 Attitude Models2.2.4 Measuring Attitudes2.2.5 Marketer changing consumer attitudes3.0 Conclusion – 20% Reference ListRelated 1.0 Introduction and Discussion – 20% Consumer buying is important to society because it is a key component of the economic system of many countries, it can influences by political, religious, spiritual, environmental, social and cultural aspects of society (Jim Blythe, 1997). Nowadays, consumers are more toward to ethical purchasers because they are more aware that their consumption pattern is part of global political and economic system (Solomon, M., G. Bamossy, S. Askegaard and M. Hogg, 2009). Generally, consumers reflect their values and beliefs by what they do or do not buy (Dickinson and Hollander, 1991). For example, consumer perceptions will signify the strengths and weaknesses of countries by favouring or dislike goods produced in a particular country. Sometimes consumer negative experience generate boycott of a company’s products, or even protests against everything from a politically undesirable country by discourage consumption of products from certain companies or countries, like boycotting Israel products. Boycotting is a form of ethical purchase behaviour. The term â€Å"boycott† arose in the year 1880 after Captain Charles Cunningham Boycott, an English land agent in Ireland whose ruthlessness in evicting tenants led his employees to refuse all cooperation with him and his family (Hazem Jamjourm, 2008). According to an Environics, the trend to boycott and warn against those irresponsible companies are strongest in North America and Oceania, and Northern Europe, while in Eastern Europe, Central Asia and Latin America taken boycott is very unlikely (Rob Harrison, Terry Newholm, Deirdre Shaw, 2005). Boycotts have become a pervasive and effective instrument of consumer dissatisfaction in today’s marketplace. Economist (1990, p. 69) writes: ‘Consumer boycotts are becoming an epidemic for one simple reason: they work to initiate organizational and social change’; a recently conducted survey reports that 50% of Americans claim to have taken part in a product boycott (Dolliver, 2000). Between 1988 and 1995, over 200 firms and over a thousand products were actually subject to organised boycotts in the US. On the other hand, according to the Co-operative Banks latest research the value of boycotts in 2007 was up by 15% in the food and drink sector and 20% in the clothing s ector. Money talks, they say. So listen to these figures food and drink boycotts in 2007 in the UK  were valued at  £1,144m, travel boycotts  £817m, and clothing boycotts  £338m (Ethical Consumer, 2008). 2.0 Critical Analysis (Theory) – 50% 2.1 Definition of Consumer Boycott Boycotts are a widely used movement tactic to gain influence over corporations to adopt some change in practice or policy. It can be anti-corporate, labour, and other social change movements (Manheim, 2001). In this few years, a number of theorists have studies and outline the theory of boycott. Smith (1990b:258) explain boycott was essentially a moral act; an expression by the consumer of disapproval of the firms activities and disassociation from them. Friedman (1999, p.4) defines consumer boycotts as â€Å"an attempt by one or more parties to achieve certain objectives by urging individual consumers to refrain from making selected purchases in the marketplace.† Laidler (1968) defines boycotting as â€Å"an organized effort to withdraw and induce others to withdraw from social or business relations with another.† From different view of the theorists, consumer boycotts can be explain in more specifically that consumer boycotts is a collective act from the consumers to refusing buying a company’s services or products, consumers express their dissatisfaction with intention and make political claims about corporate practices. 2.2 Advantages of Boycotting Although boycott would seriously hurt the business, in fact, boycott has advantages. The main advantage of boycott is a way that consumers can use their power for positive social change. Another advantage is the exposure of irresponsible company with less people buying their products and buying substitute goods. As result, demand and supply for substitute goods will increase to enhance competition in the market and firms will reduce their process as a result to compete and also to gain the extra consumers this will benefit the smaller firms to gain more of the market share (Baumeister, Roy F., 1998). 2.3 Disadvantages of Boycotting Boycotts are an unwelcome act to marketers because firms targeted by a well-supported consumer boycott have apparently failed to sustain a sufficient customer focus. In the recent world, most of the companies are sensitive to boycotts because they can have serious financial implications (Pittman, Thane S., 1998). Observably, there are lots of disadvantages to boycotts though. One of drawback is boycotting could be a large reduction in jobs. After boycotting a company, there can cause an unfavourable impact on individuals and communities which become innocent victims of the economic damage. Secondly, the company reputation will be harmed as a result on the impact of consumer boycott. Hence, this is not good for company as it would need to lower its prices to get back the consumer purchasing demand. Somehow, consumers boycotting not purchase particular countries produce cause a loss of worldwide specialisation and technology in third world country because most of the company may not do business with them. Also this action may limit consumer choice from the market. Another disadvantage to the company is that the company budgets will get ruined and will need to be analysed and changed. Furthermore the gross domestic product of the host country could fall. Besides that, there can also result irregularly violence and antipathy from the boycotts. As conclude, although consumer boycotting brings lot of drawback to companies as well as it also bring advantages. Marketer should make a balance view of boycott and learn from other companies’ mistake to enhance the operation and create positive value to consumers. 2.4 Example of Successful Boycott In fact, empirical examinations of corporate recognition to boycotters demands found that only a quarter of all publicized boycotts were successful (Friedman, 1985). Boycotts can be successful because when result in increased public scrutiny of the company. This in turn will cause concerns inside the company about lost profits from the loss in consumer interest and companies are always concerned about their financial position. Countless successful boycott examples could be given of the boycott in use by many different groups of people in past centuries. One well-known successful boycotting example is boycotting Barclays Bank in year 1986. Boycotter choosing to boycott Barclays Bank because they have strongly believed Barclays’ company as the largest bank in South Africa supported apartheid is a wrong consequence. Besides that, consumers participate in the boycott may have been motivated by the belief that supporting boycott could helping people from South Africa by forcing Barclays’ withdrawal and speeding the downfall of the apartheid regime, secondly is the consumers desire not be associated with a company that directly or indirectly benefits from apartheid, a â€Å"clean hands† motivation; and lastly it show that a reluctance to be seen patronizing the â€Å"apartheid bank,† an avoidance of unseemly conspicuous consumption. As result, Barclays was forced to pull out of the co untry after protests against its involvement during the apartheid regime. Also at that time, Barclays led to a drop in its share of the UK market from 27 percent to 15 percent. Consumer boycotts upon environmental arguments are a strategy commonly used by many environmental NGOs. Procter and Gamble has been focus of a long running boycott from the Uncaged Campaign due to the use of animal testing. PG declare that animals are used in their ‘product safety research’, as well as cats and dogs in pet food experiments, Uncaged’s investigations continue to expose disturbing examples of PG’s ongoing involvement in a painful and dangerous animal tests. PG test on animals because of their desire to get new chemical ingredients on the market and to make as much money as possible. Garrett’s (1987) review of the boycott literature hypothesized six factors in boycott participation: the awareness of consumers; the values of potential consumer participants; the consistency of boycott goals with participant attitudes; the cost of participation; social pressure; and the credibility of the boycott leadership. However, according to the report on boycott PG Day 2010 actions, the fourteenth global boycott PG Day on 8 May 2010 has ratcheted up the pressure on PG to stop their cruel and unreasonable animal testing. Moreover, another famous boycott case is the Nestlà ©. A number of groups, many of which are coordinated by the International Baby Milk Action Network (IBMAN), have called for the boycott of Nestlà © products due to Nestlà ©Ã¢â‚¬â„¢s marketing practices in promoting infant formula in poor countries. IBMAN points to the dangers of formula feeding in developing countries (most notably, lack of clean water to use in mixing formula powder). Further, it maintains that Nestlà © is exploiting susceptible customers and contributes to increased infant mortality. To examined the boycotters’ intentions to participate, motivations for participating, and actual product choice, as result their participation is based on product judgments and their perceived badly of Nestlà ©Ã¢â‚¬â„¢s actions, boycott participation and brand image. According to observers of boycotts, boycotters have this feeling because they are referring to the ‘moral outrage’ (Smith 1990). The latest Update of Baby Milk Actions Boycott News, the international boycott is having an important impact on Nestle, not only in direct economic terms but also in manipulate damage to its corporate image, management morale and management time the company must spend struggle it. 2.5 Solution for Companies to handle boycott It is not possible to study consumer boycott effectiveness without studying the target’s reaction to the protest. A satisfactory response, complying with a campaign’s demands, can stop a boycott before it has even got under way, whereas a reaction that is deemed insufficient or abusive could potentially recruit new members to the campaign. Smith identified four key types of management response: ignore, fight, fudge/explain or comply (1990b: 254). One increasingly popular solution used by marketers is to set up a joint task force with the boycotting organization to try to iron out the problem. For instance, in the US, McDonald’s used this approach with the Environmental Defence Fund, which was concerned about its use of polystyrene containers and bleached paper. The company agreed to test a composting programme and to switch to plain brown bags and to eliminate the use of antibiotics in such products as poultry. 3.0 Conclusion – 20% In conclusion, consumer boycott is an effort to punish those irresponsible companies. Yet consumer boycotts often have a large number of participants, and sometimes be successful in changing the behaviour of firms. Generally, participation may be driven by individual motivations such as guilt, the maintenance of self-esteem, and the avoidance of dissonance; individuals may seek a thrill of victory; or behaviour may be influenced by a false consensus bias. Despite the problems of causation, many writers agree that there is persuasive and widespread evidence of boycott actions delivering on social or environmental goals. Examples include PG anti animal testing in production; keep away from Barclays Bank apartheid in South Africa and persuade Nestle to take responsible the problem in third world. Obviously consumer boycotts cannot effectively address the full range of social and environmental issues, because it requires choice and competitive markets to function. Finally, consumer boycotts have the potential to harm many innocent parties, including guiltless workers and the various economic entities that depend on the boycotted firms. 2) B) Discuss the various ways in which marketers can attempt to influence consumer perception and attitudes, using examples to illustrate your argument. (60%) 1.0 Introduction and Discussion – 20% According to International Monetary Fund (2010), analyse that in year 2010 the world spending is at GDP 62,909274. United States have the highest GDP, which are 14,657,800. Consumer is the most important person to marketer because marketer takes into account consumer likes and dislikes on the production of goods and services. Marketing and consumer behaviour are basically connected.   By clearly understanding of consumer behaviour to support all marketing activity, it is a necessity to organizations for being marketing orientated and thus profitable. However, to understanding what consumers buy or not to buy is the most challenging concept to marketers. As consumer buying behaviour is difficult to be understanding clearly because factors affecting how consumers make decision are extremely complex. Buying behaviour is deeply rooted in psychology with dashes of sociology. The reason is, since every person in the world is different, it is impossible to have simple rules that explain how buying decisions are made. In general, there are three main factors that influence consumers buying decision which are personal, psychological and social. Besides that, involvement also can be a major factor in consumer’s decision making. Because consumers often form emotional attachments to products, for example most people would be familiar with the feeling of having fallen in love with a product. But, studying consumers can help marketers improve strategies. Through obtaining a view into how consumers think, feel, reason and choose. Marketers can use this information to design products and services that will be in demand. By understanding customers better it can improved trading relationships. Next is can reduced cost and greater efficiency, for example, through better targeting of marketing efforts, which reduced the cost per sale. Third is improved competitiveness, by understanding consumer, marketer can through consumer feeling adapt in marketing practice to result more effective. Lastly, it will gain more sales. 2.0 Critical Analysis (Theory) – 50% 2.1 Perception Before making purchase, consumers go through series of steps. These steps include problem recognition, information search, alternative evaluation, purchase decision and post purchase evaluation (Appendix 1). In the information search process, psychological element that influences consumer is perception which influences the way consumers receive information. Jim Blythe (2001) explains perception is the way people build up a view of the world. While William D.Wells and David Prensky (1996) define perception as the process by which an individual uses his or her perceptual processes to selects stimuli, organizes information about those stimuli, and interprets the information to form a coherent, meaningful view of the world (Appendix 2). Stimuli are inputs into any one of the five senses – vision, hearing, smell, taste, and touch. The explanation of the stimuli can be subjective on individual’s environment that becomes the basis for the behavioural processes of learning, attitude formation, and decision making. At the same time, it has cultural, social, economic, and psychological bases since it requires the selection, organization, and interpretation of what the individual senses. For example, consumers manage to purchase certain products and leave the store without becoming overwhelmed. This is because of their background characteristics, past experiences and motivations to satisfy their needs help to assign meaning to the stimuli and recognize products that will offer certain benefits to them. Therefore, marketers should design their packages so that consumers will be able to distinguish them from other stimuli in this hectic retail environment. For instance, Innocent created a range of smoothies especially targeted to kids. In the packaging of this range of products, the Innocent brand identity is enriched with some funny details on the logo, in order to immediately distinguish this product from the others and appeal the children. Perception plays important part in marketing programmes, where the use of pictures, images, spoken and written language, colour, noise, music, tastes and smells are used in such abundance. At the information search stage communication campaigns should be informative in nature, so when marketers make an advertisement it should provide information about the product and its attributes to consumers. This helps in creating brand awareness and dispelling doubts regarding the product among consumers. Individual’s perception is unique and powerful in its inferences for marketers. Usually, consumer purchase will take place when individual perceives that product or service will offer benefits of needs. Hence, marketers must understand how perception works in order to communicate successfully a product’s benefits. In reality, consumers exposed to advertising and promotion do experience information overload.   Hence, the perceptual process includes a component called selective perception, which allows individuals to screen out some stimuli while allowing other stimuli to be perceived. Therefore marketer can use clear communication as strategy. Advertisements should be copy tested to ensure consumers get the message. Things to avoid include incorrect understanding of imagery, inappropriate humour, and double entendre. Also, lengthy communications are less likely to pass through consumer’s mental filters. Perception is also subjective. People understand things differently. The manner in which consumers organize and interpret information is individualistic and biased. That is, people experience subjective perception; perception deviated from reality due to individual differences in the perceptual process. 2.2 Attitudes 2.2.1 Definition of Attitudes The next step of consumer buying process is evaluation of alternatives which information is gathered. Another key element that influences the evaluation process is the attitude of the consumer towards the product. Attitudes are learned, it will be affected by new information and experience. Consumers use perception and learning to gather new information and combine with knowledge about product’s quality and benefits. This serves the basis for evaluating the choice products from which consumer will make purchase decision. An attitude is how positive or negative, favourable or unfavourable, or pro or con a person feels toward an object. This definition views attitudes as a feeling or an evaluative reaction to objects. A second definition represents Attitude can be defined as ‘a learned tendency to respond to an object in a consistently favourable or unfavourable way’ (Onkvisit and Shaw, 1994). This definition is slightly more complicated than the first because it incorporates the notion of a readiness to respond toward an object. A third definition of attitude popularized by cognitively oriented social psychologists is: ‘an enduring organization of motivational, emotional, perceptual, and cognitive process with respect to some aspect of the individual’s world’ (Krech and Crutchfield, 1948). This views attitudes as being made up of three components: (1) the cognitive, or knowledge, component, (2) the affective, or emotional, component, and (3) the cognitive, or behavioural-tendency, component. As conclude, an attitude is a learned tendency to act in a consistent way toward an object based on feeling and opinions that result from an evaluation of knowledge about the object. Yet, attitude formation is the process by which individuals form feeling or opinions toward other people, products, ideas, activities, and other objects in their environment (Michael R. Solomon, 2004). Attitude toward object is combine with three factors, first is learned knowledge form previous experience, second is evaluation based on individual’s knowledge, last is tendency to act based on evaluation. Attitudes are important to marketers because consumer will based on their attitude towards the product to buy or not to buy. But marketer cannot directly observed attitudes as attitudes are the result of motivation, perception, and learning. By understanding consumer attitudes, marketers can use interviews and surveys to measure consumers’ attitudes. 2.2.2 The functions of Attitudes Daniel Katz (1960) has developed functional theory of attitudes to explain how attitudes facilitate social behaviour. Attitudes provide individuals to apply their knowledge to an evaluation of alternative products and, consequently, to make faster, easier, and less risky purchase decisions to satisfy their needs. Obviously, attitudes help individuals with four primary functions, which are utilitarian, value-expressive, ego-defensive and knowledge function. To clarify, utilitarian function is gain utilitarian benefit from the product, while value expressive is product express individual’s values and lifestyle, and ego defensive is about a product that support self-concept and finally knowledge function is organize individual’s knowledge about product in his or her environment. 2.2.3 Attitude Models Consumers’ attitudes to products can be complex. They vary according to valence, extremity, resistance, persistence and confidence (Jim Blythe, 2008). Attitude has three components: affect, which is about the consumer’s emotional attachment to the product; behaviour, involves the person’s intentions to do something with regard to an attitude object and cognition, which is to do with the conscious thought processes. These three components are known as tri-component attitude models or as the ABC model of attitudes (Appendix 3). This model emphasizes the interrelationships between knowing, feeling and doing. Consumers’ attitudes towards a product cannot be determined simply by identifying their beliefs about it. The second attitude model is multi-attribute models. This model is unlike tri-component models cause it focus on an object’s multiple attributes and suggest individual’s attitude toward the object is the result of the aggregation of his or her evaluations of each one. There are three components is this models too, which are attributes on which the object is evaluated, beliefs about whether an object possesses the attribute and an evaluation of the importance or relevance of each attribute in determining the individual’s overall attitude toward the object (Martin Fishbein, 1963). This model is emphasizes that beliefs and evaluations both require evaluation of knowledge. Next is the attitude-toward-the-ad model. This model is an effort to understand how advertising influences consumer attitudes toward a particular product (Terence A. Shimp, 1981). Variables in these models include where, when, and in what context the as is seen as well as the effectiveness of the ad in generating feelings and dispelling negative beliefs. Mean that, an advertisement influences not only consumer’s attitudes about the ad itself but also their view of the product. As conclude, attitude-toward-the-ad model is consumers form feeling and judgments as the result of their exposure to an ad. 2.2.4 Measuring Attitudes In order for marketers to use that various attitude models, they need to measure all of these beliefs and evaluative components. There are three common methods used to measure attitude components. First is the observation of behaviour, second is qualitative investigations then attitude scales. Each has unique advantages, depending on the circumstances and all are helpful in determining the strength and direction of particular attitudes. The most often use by marketer is the attitude scales like consumer survey questionnaires with quantitative scale taken by consumers. In fact, this method may be hard for participants to recall information or to tell the truth about a controversial question. 2.2.5 Marketer changing consumer attitudes Marketer can attempt to influence consumer’s belief, affect, and conative intention by providing information about the attributes and benefits consumers use to form attitudes by influencing the social context in which consumers form those attitudes. For example, usually consumers look to members of their reference group for information and advice, marketers use communication tool to influence consumers and the information and advice can change their attitudes. In actuality, marketer changes consumers’ beliefs or evaluation of the product by promote their product offers benefit and will satisfy their needs better than competitors or previously product. The strategies marketers employ to influence and promote attitude change include adding benefits, changing product or package, changing the criteria for evaluation and linking products to existing favourable attitudes. The most often strategies use to influence attitude change are adding benefits and changing product or package. To enhanced product value, the product must offer multiple benefits to consumers. As consumer’s attitudes will become more positive by product’s perceived value increase. For example, Johnson’s Baby Oil claims to soften a baby’s skin, condition adults’ skin, remove makeup, and promote tanning. Besides that, consumers often form attitudes in response to changes that improve a product’s ability to deliver benefits. Softso ap, for instance, introduced liquid hand soap and in turn favourably influenced consumers’ attitudes about the convenience of the product. An alternative to changing the product itself is changing its packaging. For example, Jif peanut butter available in a plastic container. As result, changing package consumers’ attitudes are formed in part by evaluating packaging features that offer convenience and environmental benefits. The drawback of this changes will increased costs for company to maintain competition within market place and maintain their share hold of market. Also works against the consumer, as newer products make older product obsolete, resulting in more costs to remain current. 3.0 Conclusion – 20% In conclusion, according to Katona and Strumpel (1978), attitudes and perception are closely related. Both concepts tend to affect one’s perceptions and shape one’s behaviour. To identify consumer perception and attitude concept and function, several theories and models were represented. This is to focuses attention on how some of the factors that can contribute to those concepts and how they are evaluated by the consumers. Besides that, some examples are listed to support and identify various way that marketer attempt to influence consumer perception and attitudes. Lastly, it is useful that marketers have a better understanding on consumer’s attitudes and perception so that strategies can be applied in a proper manner to gain competitive advantages from other competitors and also can capture consumers’ attention for products to leading successful. Reference List Jim Blythe, (1997) The Essence of Consumer Behaviour. London, Prentice Hall. Solomon, M., G. Bamossy, S. Askegaard and M. Hogg (2009) Consumer Behaviour: A European Perspective. FT Prentice Hall (4th Edition). Dickinson, R., and S.C. Hollander, Consumer Votes, Journal of Business Research, Vol.23, No.1, 9-20. Hazem Jamjourm, (2008) BDS The Global Anti-Apartheid Movement. Badil Resource Resource Center. Rob Harrison, Terry Newholm, Deirdre Shaw, (2005) The Ethical Consumer. London, Sage Publications Ltd. The Economist (1990), Boycotting Corporate America, The Economist, May 26, 69-70. Dolliver, M. (2000). Boomers as boycotters. Adweek, (Eastern edn), 12 April, 44. Ethical Consumer, (2008) Consumer Boycotts. [Internet] Available from: ethicalconsumer.org/Boycotts/aboutboycotts.aspx [Accessed 10 April 2011] Manheim, J. B. (2001) The death of a thousand cuts: Corporate campaigns and the attack on the corporation. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Smith, N. Craig (1990), Morality and the Market: Consumer Pressure for Corporate Accountability, London: Routledge. Friedman, M. (1999). Consumer Boycotts, New York: Routledge. Laidler, H. (1968). Boycotts and the Labor Struggle: Economic and Legal Aspects, New York: Russell and Russell. Baumeister, Roy F. (1998), â€Å"The Self,† in Handbook of Social Psychology, Daniel T. Gilbert, Susan T. Fiske and Gardner Lindzey ed. Boston: McGraw-Hill. Pittman, Thane S. (1998), â€Å"Motivation,† in Handbook of Social Psychology, Daniel T. Gilbert, Susan T.Fiske and Gardner Lindzey ed. Boston: McGraw-Hill. Friedman, M. (1985). Consumer boycotts in the United States, 1970–1980: contemporary events in historic perspective. Journal of Consumer Affairs, 19, 98–117. Garrett, Dennis E. (1987), â€Å"Effectiveness of Marketing Policy Boycotts: Environmental Opposition to Marketing,† Journal of Marketing 54 (April), pp. 46-57. International Monetary Fund, (2010) World Economic Outlook Report. [Internet] Available from: imf.org/external/ns/cs.aspx?id=28 [Accessed 12 April 2011] Jim Blythe, (2001) Essentials of Marketing. London, Prentice Hall. William D.Wells and David Prensky, (1996) Consumer Behavior. New York, John Wiley Sons, Inc. Sak Onkvisit and John J. Shaw, Consumer Bahaviour, Strategy and Analysis (New York: Macmillan, 1994). D. Krech and R. Crutchfield, Theory and Problems in Social Psychology,   McGraw-Hill, New York, 1948. Michael R. Solomon, (2004) Consumer Behaviou: buying, having, and being. London, Prentice Hall. Jim Blythe, (2008) Essentials of Marketing. London, Prentice Hall. Martin Fishbein (1963), An investigation of the Relationship Between Beliefs About an Object and the Attitude Toward That Object, Human Relations, 16, 233 – 240. Terence A. Shimp (1981), Attitude toward the Ad as a Mediator of Consumer Brand Choice, Journal of Advertising, 10 (2), 9-15 ff. Katiba, G., and B. Strumpel. (1978) A New Economic Era. New York: Elsevier.

Friday, November 22, 2019

How to Develop Editorial Values with Help Scouts Greg Ciotti [PODCAST]

How to Develop Editorial Values with Help Scouts Greg Ciotti [PODCAST] Publishing great content that makes your clients successful is the real challenge of marketing. Having editorial values that help your team stay on the same page while creating customer-focused content is the key to success. Today’s guest, Gregory Ciotti, content marketing manager of Help Scout, can help your team create your own set of editorial values and find the connection between content marketing and customer success. Learn how to make your customers more successful, which, in turn, contributes to your success! Some of today’s highlights include: The lowdown on Help Scout: What it is, what they’ve been doing, and Gregory’s role as content marketing manager at the organization. How Gregory defines great content: something that solves a problem, something that contributes to business goals, and content that serves as a positive representation of the company. The elements of Gregory’s editorial values, including strategy, tactics, and examples. Gregory suggests some objectives to consider when creating content. What Gregory means by â€Å"vivid writing.† Being clear and imaginative is a challenge, but necessary to make you and your customers successful. How to use content to provide context between prospective customers and your product or service. Methods for gathering customer feedback to help you better understand what to cover in your content. Powered by PodcastMotor Actionable Content Marketing powered by By 00:00/00:00 1x 100 > Download file Subscribe on iTunes Leave Review Share

Thursday, November 21, 2019

History Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 95

History - Essay Example These campaigns have however occurred in different periods of time, with each exacting its own influence on the feminist movement. This paper focusses on the evolution of the feminist movement in the 1960s and 1970s. Often referred to as the â€Å"second wave feminism† the 1960s and 1970s feminist movement arose out of the turbulent social turmoil experienced during this period of American history. In these years, the feminist movement became more radicalized, under the directorship of various outspoken American women. The 1960s and 1970s were characterized by a mass entry of women into the workforce as a result of shifting workplace stereotypes against women in the previous decades. Accordingly, the Second wave feminist movement was primarily focused on disassembling workplace inequality, including salary inequity and increasing women’s access to better jobs. Feminists proposed to achieve this by seeking the abolishment of discriminatory laws and unfair labor practices. To this end, feminist activists distributed education materials to women across the country, regarding reproductive health and sex and pursued the legalization of all types of birth control. Feminists created polit ical organizations and published articles, books, as well as essays critiquing sexism and patriarchy in society. However, to achieve equality, feminists realized that women were required to transform the manner in which the society spoke about, thought of, and treated women. This required more than merely changing laws — this demanded a radical shift in every aspect of the American society to ensure that men and women would be regarded as equals. The main objective of feminists in this period was to reverse the ubiquitous belief that since women differed from men biologically, they were inherently more emotional, intellectually inferior, and were better off executing to domestic chores as compared to professional tasks and politics. Additionally, the feminist movement of the

Tuesday, November 19, 2019

Life mistake Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Life mistake - Essay Example Over time, my naivety led me to yield to such pressure and I began indulging in unacceptable social behaviour. This paper will describe this significant life mistake that I made years back. I remember clearly that turning 12 was an exciting event. When I was ten years old, my mother had told me about the challenges teenager faced during adolescence. She had tried to guide me and prepare me for the most significant transition from childhood to adolescence. Despite her efforts to prepare me, adolescence came sooner than I thought and brought about multiple changes in my life. Many of my friends had the conviction that, the adolescent stage presented an opportunity for them to explore different things that adults did (Pickhardt, 2011). Since I was confused and faced an identity crisis as I grew older in the teenage years, I faced a constant temptation to please my friends. Therefore, I tried out all the things they suggested. Initially, I did not see any harm in joining my friends in their ventures as the activities they indulged in were exciting. However, with time, my friends began to adopt habits that were considered socially wrong. For example, they encouraged me to try out smoking when I was only fourteen (p. 23). Personally, I was against smoking because I knew its numerous side effects, but, the pressure from my friends to prove myself an adult using the puff was overwhelming, so I eventually gave in. Smoking was not the worst thing that I did as a result of yielding to peer pressure. I became overly rebellious and would often sneak out at night to go to clubs and theatres. This continued for sometimes despite the warnings from my parents and teachers who had noticed that I had changed. Although they tried to counsel me, I was unwilling to accept counsel at that time. However, on one fateful night, when my friends and I were out clubbing, the security officers realized that we were

Sunday, November 17, 2019

The effect of different factors on egg white Essay Example for Free

The effect of different factors on egg white Essay As the title suggests I am going to investigate the effect of various factors in egg white. And as all of us know that egg meals are rich in proteins and that why we feed them to small children. But not all the parts of the egg have the same amount of proteins in them and as we know that there is the yellow part which has fairly less amount of protein compared to the white part and that is why I chose the white part to test the effect various external factors on the protein which it contains and it is called albumen. And to understand what I am going to do in my coursework I am going first to give a small explanation on the nature of the proteins and their structure in general and albumen in special. Proteins are in general made of small particles called amino acids. And this is achieved by when many amino acids combine together to form polypeptides in a condensation reaction. Those polypeptides join together also by a condensation reaction to form a protein. And this is in short how albumen is also formed. And thus we could say that amino acids are the basic units from which proteins are formed of and below is a structure of an amino acid. R H O N C C H H OH As we see above this is a simplified structure of an amino acid and from the diagram we could see that structure has in its center a carbon atom which is called the alpha carbon and to this alpha carbon there are four different groups attached to it and they are as follow. The first one is a hydrogen atom the second is a basic amino group and the third is the carboxyl group (COOH) which is usually acidic in most cases and in the end the fourth group is the R group which is variable in length and plays an important role in determining and deciding the nature of the amino acid. Therefore any amino acid, which has in its place a carboxyl group, which is an additional one would be an acidic one and if in its place it has an additional amino group it, would be a basic. That was in summary a brief explanation of the structure of an amino acid but for each structure should be held by bonds which keep them in shape and in my experiment I am going investigate how the effect various factors like acids and alkalis have on maintaining those bonds and that why we should take a look on the bonds holding the structure of amino acids. The bonds holding the amino acids are hydrogen bonds, which are founded between CO and NH groups. The second type is the ionic bonds, which occurs when the R group exits in an ionic form. The third type is the disulphide bond, which occurs between the sulphur groups of the amino acid cytosine. The last type is the hydrophobic bond and which is the most important in maintaining the structure of a protein and that is because the exclude water molecules in an aqueous environment. Moreover there are two types of proteins one is the fibrous proteins and the other is the globular proteins which albumen belong to this group and the most important characteristics of this group are that they are soluble in water and its chains are folded to form spherical shapes as shown below. Now any change in the structure due to any external factors, which affect the protein, will cause a change in its shape leading the protein not to carry its proper function. This process is called denaturation. When this process occurs in the protein albumen the albumen reverse to become a fibrous protein causing a white insoluble curd to form called the coagulation of the albumen. For denaturation to occur there are several factors which helps it to happen and this what I am going to investigate. One of those factors and which we know since lower classes is heating. Heating causes the atoms within the protein to gain kinetic energy and breaking the bonds. Other factors are like adding acids, alkalis, heavy metals etc.. . Those chemicals combine with the COO groups in the protein leading to a change in the structure and the denaturation of the protein. Those chemicals also form coagulated albumen when added to albumen. After going through what I wrote above I came to a personal conclusion which I am going to make it as my hypothesis is that the amount of coagulated protein formed increases or proportional to the concentration of the chemicals used which are external factors and physical factors it was exposed to. Now after mentioning my hypothesis I am going now to test the truthfulness of this hypothesis I am going to carry out an experiment to prove it and below is how I am going to plan my experiment and what chemicals I am going to use and etc.. . And below is a graph, which shows what I mean: At the beginning when I decided to start my experiment I decided to investigate a physical factor along with using chemicals. And the physical factor I decided upon was freezing that is because we know the effect of heating so I was interested to observe what freezing would do to egg albumen. This was for the physical factor, for the chemicals I decided to observe the effect o f acids, alkalis and heavy metals and for the acids I decided to use hydrochloric acid (HCl) and for the alkali I decided to use sodium hydroxide (NaOH) and for the heavy metals I decided to use either mercury chloride or silver chloride depending on the availability. And for each chemical I decided to use three different concentrations for each and they are going to be . 0. 25M, 0. 5M, 0. 75M and 1M for the acid, alkali and the heavy metal. To carry out the experiment I got to use some materials and apparatus and below is a list of them followed by the use of each in brief: Silver chloride Each of the materials and apparatus above has specific uses as shown below: Beakers: are going to hold the whole amount of the egg white and acids, alkalis and the heavy metals. Test tubes: are going to be used to pour the contents together in it for the reaction to take place. Measuring cylinders: are going to be used to measure the contents of the chemicals I am going to use. Droppers: these are going to be used to adjust small amounts when I pour the chemicals in the measuring cylinders like taking on ml off. Test tube holders: are going to hold the test tubes used for the reaction. Lab stickers: are going to be used to label the test tubes to know which is which. Glass rod: are going to be used to stir the contents of the test tubes and skim off the amount of coagulated protein formed. Freezer: is going to be used to place in it the test tube, which is going to test the effect of freezing on egg albumen. Eggs: are of course going to be used to get from them the egg white or egg albumen for the experiment. Hydrochloric acid: it is what I chose from all the ranges of acids to test the effect of acid on egg albumen. Sodium hydroxide: it is what I chose from all the ranges of alkalis to test the effect of alkali on egg albumen. Silver chloride: it is the heavy metal, which I choose to test the effect of heavy metals on egg albumen. And that was in brief the use of each material and the purpose for what I am going to use them. The experimental procedure to be carried:Now I am going to explain how I am going to carry out my experiment. First of all I will get some eggs, separate the egg white from the yellow part of it, and pour them in a beaker. Then I am going to get 30 cmi of the acid for each concentration and pour them in four different beakers, which means that for 1 M I will get 30 cmi of it in a beaker and the same for the other three concentrations. I will then repeat the same procedure for the sodium hydroxide and the silver chloride. Then I will take a measuring cylinder and pour in it 10 cmi of egg white in it. Then I will take the acid and pour in it in another measuring cylinder also 10 cmi of it. After that I take the egg white, pour it in a test tube and above it the acid, and wait until the reaction finishes. The time for which the reaction to finish will depend on how many days would I leave it there fore I decided to leave the mixture of acid and egg white for four days to give it the maximum time for it to finish its reaction. After that I will measure the volume of coagulation formed for example if the coagulation formed was the full 20 cmi then I am going to give it a symbol which will be 5 and so on depending on the volume formed. This procedure, which I used for the acid, is going to be the same for the sodium hydroxide and the heavy metal used thus guarantying a fair test. Precautions to be taken: When carrying the experiment one should be careful and below is the list of the precautions I took:   Wearing gloves: this important because it would protect my hands in case the acid, alkali and the heavy metal I am going to use can fall on the and burn my hands.   Lab coat: same as above but for the protection of the rest of my body. Not breaking glass apparatus: so as not injure my hands by glass shards caused by the breaking of the glass thus I should be careful.   Electric points: as I am going to test the effect of freezing it would be normally that I am going to use a freezer that is why I got to check the electric points so as not to get an electric shock   Eye protection: I am going to wear eye goggles to protect my eyes in case a splash of acid reaches my eyes.   Protection against salmonella: as all of us know that the surface of the egg, which means the eggshell, contains the bacteria salmonella thus one should Take care to wipe the eggshell first before the experiment and to wash his hands thoroughly after finishing his experiment. Factors to be controlled: For a fair test to be carried there are various factors to be controlled to ensure that fair test to be carried and below are the list of factors that should be controlled:   Maintaining a constant temperature: to make sure that the experiment goes smoothly one should maintain a constant temperature preferably a room temperature and that is because it the temperature was raised the rate of reaction will change. To leave all the test tubes for the same time so as none of them will have an advantage on the other.   Same amount of egg white to be used in all as the same amount of acid, alkali and heavy metal to be same through out the whole experiment.   To ensure accuracy one should repeat each experiment at least twice and take the mean of the values recorded.   I will try to make the reaction go by itself and prevent shaking any of the test tubes to give a fair chance to all the other test tubes.

Thursday, November 14, 2019

Teaching and Learning in a Networked Composition Classroom Essay

Teaching and Learning in a Networked Composition Classroom In her essay â€Å"Technology and Literacy: A Story about the Perils of Not Paying Attention,† Cynthia L. Selfe notes that â€Å"technology is either boring or frightening to most humanists; many teachers of English composition feel it antithetical to their primary concerns and many believe it should not be allowed to take up valuable scholarly time or the attention that could be best put to use in teaching or the study of literacy† (Self 412). Looking around campus it takes little time to verify Selfe’s caution about indifference to computers: except in its uses as â€Å"a simple tool that individual faculty members can use or ignore in their classrooms as they choose† (Self 414), computer use has been, and for the most part still is, nascent within the humanities. As computers increasingly become an irreplaceable part of daily life in modern culture, however, more and more instructors attempt to carry out the task of incorporating technology into the p edagogical techniques of their disciplines. Over the past four months I’ve had the invaluable opportunity to get a behind-the-scenes look at one particular attempt to integrate computers and writing instruction. In Dr. Will Hochman’s English 101-43 (SP 2003) classroom I’ve learned much about both the process and underlying philosophies involved in making computers a productive classroom tool. In particular, I’ve learned the basic truth that, despite the potential boost offered by technology, simply having computers in the room with students is not enough to produce a positive impact on the educational experience. One of the most significant reasons why this is the case, I'd argue, is that Selfe’s observation about faculty might... ...cw/database/essays/cccc94.kemp.html> 19 Aug. 2002. Negroponte, Nicholas. â€Å"Bits and Adams.† Being Digital.

Tuesday, November 12, 2019

Government and Not for Profit Accounting

NOT-FOR-PROFIT ORGANISATIONS 13 2 Not-for-profit organisations Key points Many not-for-profit organisations (NFPs) feel they are poorly understood by government and the general public. Pressures to be more efficient have seen overhead spending reduced at considerable detriment to effectiveness and improved resource allocation over time (allocative efficiency). The sector is diverse, but NFPs display some common behavioural patterns: – Whereas the behaviour of for-profit business is driven mostly by their desire for profits, the behaviour of NFPs is driven mostly by their mission or communitypurpose. Demonstrated commitment to their community-purpose underpins support for their activities, whether by members for member-serving NFPs, or by donors and government who provide funding for community-serving NFPs. – Processes, often highly participatory, matter for NFPs because they provide value to the volunteers and members, and because of their central importance to mainta ining trusting relationships that form the basis for effective service delivery. – Control can be a major motivating factor for the managers of NFPs.While generally motivated by altruism, NFP management also benefits personally from their role when it confers status or power, builds their skills and contacts, and where it improves the environment for their other activities. These characteristics of NFPs have implications for the drivers of efficiency and effectiveness: – Processes that appear messy and inefficient to outsiders can be essential for effective delivery of services, especially those requiring engagement with clients who face disadvantages and are wary of government and for-profit providers.They can also be important to attract and retain volunteers, the involvement of which can be valued as much for the engagement outcomes as for replacing the need for paid labour. – It is possible that, for some managers, ‘doing’ can take precedence o ver ‘achieving’. Unless NFP boards are able to act decisively, such behaviour can undermine efficiency and effectiveness and threaten the sustainability of an NFP. – While greater scale and sharing of support services can improve production efficiency, NFPs can be reluctant to merge or collaborate where other interests might be eroded or where the purchase of support services adds to overheads. continued on next page) 14 NOT-FOR-PROFIT Key points (continued) Community-serving NFPs may lack adequate feedback mechanisms on their effectiveness (or lack thereof) as clients are often grateful for the assistance. This contrasts strongly with member-serving organisations, particularly small grass roots organisations, where member satisfaction is paramount to survival. While historically Australia fits in the ‘liberal’ social origin category (where government social spending is low and NFP activity is relatively large), since the 1970s government funding o f the sector has grown.From the 1980s, this has increasingly been under competitive allocation arrangements, with greater use of the sector to deliver government funded services. More recently, social enterprise is being seen as a way to harness network governance to address social issues. Along with demographic, ethnic and cultural changes (such as increasing environmental awareness), these forces are increasing demand for NFP activities. In responding to rising demand, NFPs report constraints arising from growing regulation and contract requirements, and challenges in accessing funding, finance, and skilled workers. ? Government can assist in addressing these constraints to facilitate sector growth and development; nevertheless the sector remains responsible for its own future. The diversity of the not-for-profit (NFP) sector makes any attempt to describe how NFP organisations (NFPs) behave challenging at best, and quite likely impossible. Nevertheless, such a description is impo rtant as one of the complaints from the sector is that government, and to a lesser extent business, fail to adequately understand the sector.This is reflected in both government and business expressing puzzlement over the reluctance of many NFPs to merge or collaborate, and more generally, what they see as resistance to change. The general public too, has conceptions about the NFP sector, and perhaps illusions about what is required to plan and deliver effective relief and preventive services. This is well illustrated in the resistance to spending on overheads: If there is any single issue that vexes managers and trustees of charitable foundations the world over, it is undoubtedly that of overhead expenses.The case against spending overhead dollars is as simple as it can be: every dollar that a foundation expends on overhead expenses is a dollar that it cannot spend on grants. Overhead expenses, therefore are leeches upon grantmaking. The case for spending overhead dollars is rather more complicated. (Orosz 2009) This chapter provides a general model of how NFPs make decisions on what they do and, importantly, how they go about it. It aims to shed light on the drivers of efficiency and effectiveness in the sector.This provides a segue into sector development and the question of the role of government. This chapter argues that this role is limited to providing an appropriately supportive operating environment, NOT-FOR-PROFIT ORGANISATIONS 15 investing in NFP activities that have considerable public benefit, and governments’ use of NFPs to deliver services. As a number of submissions noted, it is important for the sector not to become reliant on government: The Community/NFP sector †¦ is crucial to holding the government and market to account, and ensuring that they act legally and fairly to all.There are dangers he identified in any too close a collaboration between the sectors as critical roles are diminished, if their independence is reduced to in terdependence. The results can be an undermining of democratic balance of interests. (Women’s Electoral Lobby Australia Inc. , sub. DR241, p. 3, referring to the work of Claus Offe) 2. 1 Are not-for-profit organisations different? NFPs are driven by their ‘community-purpose’, which may focus on their members, targeted groups in the community (often the disadvantaged) or, more broadly, the ‘common-good’.In production, NFPs care about how (process) as well as what (activities) they do. And in management, those making the decisions often care deeply about the control they have over both process and choice of activities. It is this combination of community-purpose and concern about process and managerial control that characterises NFPs behaviour. One way to think about how NFPs operate is summarised in figure 2. 1. Processes that are participatory, inclusive, quality focused and accessible are central as they: engender trust and confidence in the organi sation, enhancing the reach and quality of the activities undertaken ? facilitate access to resources from multiple stakeholders including volunteer workers, as well as access to funding and in-kind resources, as NFPs can provide value to those making these contributions build the capacity and capabilities of staff, volunteers, members and clients for effective engagement over time, including their knowledge and ability to influence the design of future activities. These ‘quality’ processes contribute to achieving the outcomes of the NFP, including what might be incidental outcomes such as improved community connections.In some areas of activity, process, in particular for maintaining trust, can be critical to achieving outcomes. Trust and continuity of relationships is essential. It is the establishment of trust through the continuity of staff and service provision that builds the basis from which change can happen. †¦ [The] degree of trust rises with extent of t rustworthiness of information about the trustee. It is this element of trust where the NFP sector has an advantage over the for profit sector and why the capacity to deliver such programs is as strong as it is. (SDN Children’s Services, sub. 60, pp. 10-11) 16 NOT-FOR-PROFIT Billis and Gennerster (1998) argue that NFPs have a comparative advantage in delivering services where the motivation to address disadvantage, and knowledge of and sensitivity to client needs, are in scarce supply. In NFPs there is often a blurring of stakeholder roles, reducing the gap between clients and those delivering services, and between workers and management. Figure 2. 1 A schema of how not-for-profit organisations operate The bottom half of figure 2. 1 emphasises the importance of process as a motivating factor for management.NFPs are usually established by people who want to do something that is not being done or do it in a different way. People who take on the responsibility of managing an NFP are motivated not only by their belief in the community-purpose (often altruistic motivations) but also by their own role and how it contributes to their wellbeing. Whether their role confers status, power, builds skills and contacts, improves the environment for their other activities or provides self-fulfilment from engagement in a meaningful activity, this motivation needs to be satisfied for volunteer, and even paid, managers to remain committed to the organisation.Further, donors are increasingly looking for these types of ‘returns’ on their investments in NFPs in addition to achievement of the community-purpose. At an organisational level, sufficient stakeholders (donors, workers including volunteers, members, and clients) need to be satisfied by the outcomes achieved and/or by the process for the organisation to remain viable. Like for-profit business, NFPs can ‘fail’ and they will fail if sufficient stakeholders lose interest. If clients NOT-FOR-PRO FIT ORGANISATIONS 17 find their problems permanently solved, and the services of the NFP are no longer needed, this is indeed a good thing.At a sector level, failure of some NFPs, evolution of others, and establishment of new NFPs is just part of a healthy renewal process. Sector-wide, inclusive and participatory processes reflect and contribute to social capital – the relationships, understandings and social conventions that form an important part of the mediating environment that shapes economic and social opportunities. NFP advocacy, education of citizens, enabling of engagement in civic processes, and the creation of opportunities for connections work together to form a healthy civil society.Consequently the extent of NFP activity is often taken as an indicator of the health of society (Putnam, Leonardi and Nannetti 1993; PC 2003) The major differences in behaviour between for-profit and NFP organisations are nicely captured by Collins (2005). His assessment is replicated below in table 2. 1. Table 2. 1 Major differences between the business and social sector Issue Business Sector Social sector Accountability Primarily responsible to stakeholders Primarily responsible to constituents (e. g. disadvantaged children and their families) and myriad supporters or stakeholdersDefining and measuring success Widely agreed-upon financial metrics of performance Money is both an input (a means to success) and an output (a measure of success) Fewer widely agreed-upon metrics of performance Money is only an input, not an output Performance relative to mission, not financial returns, is the primary measure of success Focus Doing things right (efficiency) Competition to deliver the best products Doing the right things (effectiveness a) Collaboration to deliver the best outcomes Leadership/ Governance Governance structure and hierarchy relatively clear and straightforwardConcentrated and clear executive power often substituted for leadership Governance structures of ten have more components and inherent ambiguity More diffuse and less clear executive power with leadership more prevalent Talent Often have substantial resources to attract and retain talent Can more easily get the wrong people ‘off the bus’ for poor performance Often lack the resources to acquire and retain talent Tenure systems and volunteer dynamics can complicate getting the wrong people ‘off the bus’ Access to capital Efficient capital markets that connect to the profit mechanismResults attract capital resources which in turn fuel greater results, and so on No efficient capital markets to channel resources systematically to those who deliver the best results a This refers to both effectiveness (did it work? ), and to allocative efficiency (was it the right thing to do? ). Source: Collins (2005). 18 NOT-FOR-PROFIT 2. 2 Implications for efficiency and effectiveness The terms of reference refer to exploring ways to improve the efficiency and effectivenes s of the NFP sector. What constitutes efficiency and effectiveness varies across the different types of NFPs.The importance of process, and management control over process, has implications for efficiency and effectiveness of NFPs. So too, does the commitment to a specific community-purpose. Some NFPs have a different conception of efficiency and effectiveness or may eschew such notions altogether. These NFPs have a right to exist and, providing they cause no harm, should be left to do what they do in the way they like to do it. However, where public funding is involved or donors seek to achieve the best returns on their gifts, efficiency and effectiveness are central to maximising community wellbeing.It is important to distinguish between efficiency in production (how well inputs are turned into outputs) and efficiency in allocation (putting resources to the uses that deliver the best outcomes for the community). While both are important, it is the latter, provided the activities a re effective, that matters most for wellbeing, especially over time, a point supported by the Smith Family: †¦ the nonprofit sector should first ensure that they are focused on ‘doing the right things’ before consideration of how well they are doing them. sub. DR204, p. 4) Despite this, the attention paid by governments and donors to overhead costs as an indicator of an organisation’s worthiness drives a fixation with production efficiency. This can constrain investment in planning and evaluation which are essential for maintaining and improving effectiveness and efficiency. At an organisational level, cost-effectiveness in achieving the NFP’s communitypurpose is the most appropriate objective for managers.This assessment can be difficult as the results of social investment usually take time to eventuate and are often the product of forces in addition to the activity under scrutiny. Nevertheless, measurement challenges should not be allowed to divert attention from what matters — designing and delivering activities that deliver the desired outcomes (and no unexpected nasties) at least cost. This frees up resources to do more. Selecting which mix of activities gives the greatest benefit to the community is the ultimate allocation challenge.NFPs, through their advocacy and other avenues of influence, play an important role in guiding the selection of activities. Donors influence allocation through their giving. Government decisions on tax concessions can influence this allocation to some extent, however, their influence over allocation is greatest for direct funding decisions. Unlike the market for goods and services, where prices serve as an allocation mechanism, these forces provide only an indirect discipline on ensuring that the allocation of resources is optimal for the community.NOT-FOR-PROFIT ORGANISATIONS 19 Prevention is a good example of the allocation challenge. There is almost universal agreement that prevention is better than cure, and generally costs far less. Nevertheless, as it is difficult to demonstrate the value of avoiding a cost that would otherwise be imposed by a problem, prevention tends to attract less donor support. This issue is compounded by the exclusion of prevention in the definition of charity as applied for deductable gift recipient status. Figure 2. reflects the different roles that the NFP management, donors and government play in driving efficiency and effectiveness. While to some extent these stakeholders act like consumers in imposing discipline on NFPs to be efficient and effective, there are some significant differences from the market disciplines that drive efficiency and effectiveness in the (for-profit) business sector. The drivers of efficiency and effectiveness in NFPs Many NFPs argue that they operate on ‘the smell of an oily rag’, stretching their resources to the maximum.While often true, the importance of process can make NFPs appear messy and inefficient to outsiders, and even to some of the insiders. However, process can be central to the ability of a NFP to garner resources and deliver activities effectively. On the cost side, more participatory and inclusive processes can reduce the volume and/or quality of outputs by absorbing resources and slowing down delivery. This is observed in activity development and implementation that requires more one-on-one service delivery, time and resources to support participation in ecision making and greater individualisation of the service. Yet, on the benefit side, it may be these processes that give NFPs an advantage in trustworthiness or network governance1 that make them more effective, especially in the delivery of some human services. While a trade-off between production efficiency and quality is not unique to the NFP sector, NFPs often place a relatively higher weight on quality. In some cases quality, including quality of process, is strongly linked to effectiveness of t he activity, but in other cases the ‘doing’ can take precedence over the ‘achieving’.Where these processes are central to the governance of the organisation and part of the value it provides to its volunteers and members, processes should be seen as essential outputs for the sustainability of the NFP. However, as NFPs grow and become more ‘professional’ in their management, this type of ‘value’ from process tends to diminish. 1 Network governance is the relationships between organisations and individuals that is characterised by organic or informal structures, in contrast to bureaucratic structures of contractual relationships. 20 NOT-FOR-PROFITFigure 2. 2 Efficiency and effectiveness of not-for-profit organisations: drivers and constraints NOT-FOR-PROFIT ORGANISATIONS 21 Production efficiency tends to improve with scale, but mergers and growth can detract from valued processes, particularly in smaller organisations. NFPs can also be reluctant to collaborate to share support services such as back office and fund raising, possibly reflecting the transaction costs associated with establishing joint approaches. There are relatively few intermediaries offering these types of services to NFPs in Australia.This may be due to reluctance of NFPs to spend scarce funds on support activities thus offering little opportunity for such services to develop. Over time, efficient production requires investments in skills, capital, planning, research and relationships that allow the ‘best’ (defined by quality as well as quantity) outputs for the level of inputs. Many NFPs would agree that they face constraints on increasing their production efficiency due to difficulties accessing finance and in freeing up resources to invest in training and enabling technologies such as management systems.These constraints can create a tension between delivering now and being efficient in the longer term. Unlike businesses, where the financial bottom line is a good measure of their effectiveness, NFPs have to rely on other signals. NFP managers may resist honest feedback on effectiveness, or may, as with some donors, regard evaluation as wasted money. Member serving organisations are more likely to get direct feedback from their membership on how they are performing where members can ‘vote with their feet’.Client serving organisations, on the other hand, are less likely to get negative feedback especially where clients have no alternative services available. The community development literature of the 1970s stressed the value of ‘grass roots organisations’ as vested interests of members should result in the best or optimal selection of, and resource allocation to, activities. However, for larger organisations, the allocation of resources to the different activities will usually reflect management’s views on the contribution these activities make to their community-purpose.If donors and government funders want to influence the allocation of resources tensions can arise even in situations where they have provided the resources. Philanthropy is an important mechanism for allocating resources to organisations and activities that donors see as providing the greatest value for their gift. Given that wealthier individuals have greater ‘giving’ power, it is their (or their foundation managers’) assessment that tends to dominate this allocation. Similarly, large businesses also have the potential to influence activities undertaken by NFPs.The productivity of an organisation improves when it raises the efficiency and effectiveness of its resource use in the short term and when it invests wisely in resources that enhance its efficiency and effectiveness in the longer term. This will improve the productivity of the sector, especially when other NFPs follow suit. 22 NOT-FOR-PROFIT However, the productivity of the sector also improves when resour ces shift to those organisations that make better use of resources in terms of their contribution to the wellbeing of the broader community (PC 2008).These issues are explored further in chapter 9. The central message here is that NFPs may face significant resource constraints to achieving efficiency and effectiveness. More difficult to address is lack of incentive for some NFPs to minimise costs in the short run, or to invest in finding out how effective their actions are. Indeed, such actions may reduce the return to the NFP management if they interfere with valued processes. In addition, at a sector level, pursuit of community-purpose does not guarantee efficient allocation of resources.In addressing these constraints and challenges, it is useful to understand what drives sector growth and development. 2. 3 What drives sector growth and development? The NFP sector in a broader context The term ‘third sector’ distinguishes the NFP sector, the for-profit business secto r, and the government on the basis of where production occurs. The household sector also engages in production and is ultimately the source of labour and capital. Focusing just on production of goods and services, expansion of production in one sector by necessity reduces production in another sector if resources are fully employed.It is this conceptualisation that views NFPs as undertaking activities that the business sector does not find profitable to undertake, governments lack a mandate to provide, and households cannot undertake alone. In reality the picture (summarised in figure 2. 3) is far more complex: Government engages NFPs, for-profit business, and households (for example, through carer payments) in delivery of goods and services that government funds; consequently there can be some competition for government business.Similarly, the sectors compete for household resources and, in some situations, for markets, a classic example being the market for second hand clothing. Government, for-profit business and households recognise value in community and other activities provided by NFPs (complementarity) and provide resources (funding, in-kind resources and volunteers) to support these activities – some are of direct benefit to the funders, such as professional associations and children’s sporting activities some are only of indirect benefit to funders, such as community welfare activities, and environmental protection. NOT-FOR-PROFIT ORGANISATIONS 23 Figure 2. 3 Interactions between not-for-profit organisations, government, business and households NFP/Business intersect Trading activities for member benefits Trading activities for revenue to support community-purpose Professional associations NFP/Government intersect Delivery of government funded services Investment in community through NFPs Political parties Households Clients Volunteers Philanthropy Workers Not-for-profitServices to clients/community Services to members Management oppo rtunities Innovation Research Government Support NFPs through regulatory environment direct funding indirect funding (concessions) Influenced by NFPs advocacy for policy changes community expectations for services Business Support NFPs via philanthropy Compete with NFPs for government contracts and ‘member’ services Benefit from NFP impact on the mediating environment Partnering with NFPs to achieve social outcomes Social capital Legal & judicial system Market rules Mediating Environment Natural Environment Governments, for-profit businesses and households sit within a mediating environment with institutional, legal and market rules and conventions and social capital. While the product of history and the natural environment, this mediating environment is not static, but evolves over time as a result of the activities and processes in all four sectors. The mediating environment can both constrain and facilitate the development of the NFP sector. The likely relative scale and roles of the NFP sector depend on the mediating environment and the historical levels of competition and complementarity between 24 NOT-FOR-PROFIT he sectors. The view that NFPs passively fill the gap between what the market delivers and what governments have a mandate to fund is too simplistic; rather the role of NFPs reflects the inherent social compact that exists in a country. Social origins theory, developed by Salamon and Anheier (1997), points to different ‘historical moorings’ where the roles of government and the third sector reflect the ‘constellation of historical forces’. It identifies four types of non-profit regimes: statist, where government social spending is low and non-profit activity is small (such as in Japan) ocial democratic, where government social spending is high and non-profit activity is low (as in Scandinavian countries) corporatist, where government social spending is high and non-profits have a large economic size (Fran ce and Germany) liberal, where government social spending is low and non-profit economic activity is large (the US and UK) (Anheier 2005). The scale and scope of the NFP sector depends on the demand for the activities that the sector is well placed to provide, competition for supplying these activities and constraints on the sector’s ability to respond to these demands and to compete for resources.Sector development is not a defined pathway, rather it is the response of the sector to changes in the nature and scale of demand. The ability of the sector to respond depends on the constraints it faces, including the extent to which NFPs resist change. The evolution of government support for the sector in Australia Historically, Australia fits into the ‘liberal’ category, where accessing and funding human services has traditionally been the responsibility of the household. Households purchased these services from the for-profit business sector andNFP (often mutuals e stablished for the purpose). NFP ‘community social welfare organisations’ supplied services to those who lacked a capacity to pay. An implicit bargain between for-profit business and government on industry support underpinned paying workers a ‘living wage’ and workers accepting responsibility for purchasing their own human services. The 1970s saw a major shift toward a welfare state with government taking on a greater role in funding human services. Much of this expansion was achieved through increased public support for NFP service delivery (Smyth 2008).In the 1980s and 1990s, governments moved to a greater reliance on competitive market mechanisms for allocating resources and driving production efficiency. Described as ‘new public management’ this saw the privatisation of government NOT-FOR-PROFIT ORGANISATIONS 25 owned enterprises across a range of industries starting with banking in the 1980s and moving through to utilities, and the applica tion of a competitive neutrality test to government trading enterprises (Banks 2008).Despite governments moving away from producing goods and services, community expectations of what government will fund appear to have risen. Reflecting these two forces, there has been a shift to greater utilisation of segments of the NFP sector by governments for the delivery of services (Lyons 2009b). Government has provided indirect support to the sector in the form of tax concessions from before federation. The access to concessions varies across the jurisdictions, but most are based on a common law definition of charity (established in England in 1891 in Pemsel’s case).The Extension of Charitable Purpose Act 2004, sought to clarify that certain purposes (childcare, self-help groups and closed/contemplative religious orders) were indeed charitable. More recently, there has been a growing interest in the ‘third sector’ as an alternative way of organising production and the all ocation of resources (see for example, Blond 2009; Shergold 2009a). NFPs are seen as able to harness network governance to address social issues that markets and government cannot (Barraket 2008).Interest in alternatives to market and government allocation is also seen in the increase in philanthropy (chapter 7), the rising participation in volunteering (chapter 10), and growing engagement by businesses with NFPs (chapter 13). Demand growth and supply constraints on the sector As explored in detail in chapter 4, the sector has grown rapidly over the last eight years. This can be seen as arising from growth in demand, a significant share of which is related to the expansion of government funded services (chapter 12).Demographic factors have also played a role, for example, the baby-boom echo has seen a growth in school-aged children and with this demand for children’s activities. Similarly, the ageing of the population and early retirement has created a demand for more leisure and cultural activities. Increasing ethnic diversity of the population has generated new niches for NFPs both in community services and in member services. The ability of the sector to respond to these growing and changing demands depends on the constraints it faces on supply.Consultations and submissions identified four major sources of constraint on NFPs’ ability to grow and develop: Regulatory constraints: For unincorporated associations there are few legal requirements. However, this also limits the scope for activities that require a legal form (such as owning assets, contracting for services and purchasing insurance). NFPs that have a legal form face varying compliance costs, and can 26 NOT-FOR-PROFIT face difficulty with evolving their legal form and with changing their community-purpose. These issues are discussed in chapter 6. Contracting constraints: These apply to NFPs receiving financial support from government for their activities, either in the form of grants or through government purchasing of their services (although not always with full funding). While the funding allows for expansion of NFP’s activities, it generally comes with strings attached. These can include restrictions on other activities, but are more generally related to the delivery of the activity, including specification of quality standards and staff and volunteer qualifications. These issues are the subject of chapters 11 and 12. ? Funding and financing constraints: Unlike for-profit business, where demand comes with funds to purchase the goods and services, many NFPs face demand that is independent of the funding stream. To meet demand, especially in community serving NFPs, NFPs seek funding from government and donations from households and business. Many also look to generate income from their activities. In the absence of price as a rationing mechanism, demand will generally exceed supply, and many community-serving NFPs have to ration their services in some w ay.Member-serving NFPs face less of a funding constraint, but like community-serving NFPs, may face financing constraints which make it difficult to make investments such as in information systems, housing or training for staff. NFPs without a proven cash flow to service debt, or substantial assets for collateral, often have difficulty accessing capital markets. This matter is taken up in chapter 7. Skill constraints: While access to paid labour is strongly influenced by the ability to pay competitive salaries, and hence funding, NFPs are also concerned about access to skills.Many areas of NFP activities are becoming ‘professionalised’, resulting in a shift to paid employment to attract qualified workers. This can complement or crowd out volunteer labour. The former situation arises where employees (and their skills) add value to the volunteer experience. It is only in community services that crowding out of volunteers appears to be apparent, for reasons not well under stood. In some sectors, notably community services, skill shortages are a sector-wide issue related to low wages and lack of career paths.Boards too need to develop their governance skills as their tasks have become more complex with delivery of government funded services and demands by donors, members and clients for greater accountability. BRI Ferrier (2009) found that most NFP failures stem from inexperienced, weak or sympathetic supervisory groups. These issues are considered further in chapter 10. NOT-FOR-PROFIT ORGANISATIONS 27 Is there a role for government in sector growth and development? Government plays a considerable role in shaping the environment in which NFPs operate, irectly through its regulation of the sector, and indirectly in the ‘social contract’ it has with the community. As discussed above, the latter has shifted from a living wage based arrangement to a social safety net, providing income support to those not able to work or whose wage income is below that required to be selffinancing. In addition, a number of human services are funded by the government on a (non-income tested) needs basis, including health care and disability services. NFPs provide many of these services, some in competition with government or forprofit providers (for example, hospital care and employment services).Some of these government funded services are contestable only between NFPs, while others are delivered by sole providers. The choice by government to involve NFPs as providers involves consideration by government of value for money. Discussed in detail in chapter 12, value for money considerations should include: cost-effectiveness of service delivery — and the extent that this depends on the development of relationships with clients complementarity or joint-production with other services — which can enhance client wellbeing beyond that arising from the particular service being funded pillovers (positive and negative) associated with the service delivery — these arise as a by-product that affects others in the community, such as the utilisation of a community centre as a base for services for other groups, and the benefits that flow on from improvements in the lives of individuals as a result of their engagement with NFPs sustainability of the service delivery and/or client relationship, where the longterm effectiveness depends on the continued presence of the provider.Governments also invest in NFP activities through grants, and provide indirect support through tax and other concessions. In providing this support, governments usually look for ‘additionality’ — that is, the government funding attracts more resources into NFP activities than would otherwise have been the case. The net value added of expanding NFP activity in this way comes from a combination of greater direct benefits of these activities and higher spillovers than the alternative use of the resources. For househo ld donations, this alternative use might be savings or onsumption. For NFPs, the opportunity cost comes with the diversion of their resources into the activities for which the government provides support instead of other (preferred) activities. In these ways government both increases the funding available to the sector and influences its allocation across the various activities. 28 NOT-FOR-PROFIT Governments, especially state and territory governments, may also take a proactive role in sector development. In part this is related to their utilisation of the sector for service delivery.Government investments may be to strengthen the quality and/or financial viability of the NFP service providers, or to increase the number of potential providers and hence provide greater choice for clients and/or government agencies in tendering. But investment in the sector is also related to the role it plays in providing social capital and, in turn as discussed above, the value that this provides to wellbeing. This report looks at the role of government as a regulator of, investor in and procurer of NFP services and activities.It also considers the role of government as a facilitator of philanthropy and the engagement of other sectors with NFPs. These roles differ across the segments of the NFP sector, and for many parts of the sector government plays little role beyond providing a sound regulatory environment. The Commission’s view is that government’s role in sector development should be limited to where it utilises the sector for service delivery and to where it sees considerable community benefit from its investment. This view, that the sector should be largely responsible for its own development, reflects the importance of independence of the sector.The link between government funding and loss of independence has been well recognised: One of the key traditions learned the hard way in the early days nearly 75 years ago, was that to accept funding from outside sources was to create outside interference with the manner of spending, and vulnerability to sudden loss of or short term, not necessarily reliable, funding. (Dr Vanda Rounsefell, sub. DR260, pp. 1-2) The next three chapters turn to measuring the contribution of the sector at an aggregate, organisation and activity level. This is central to improving the understanding of the sector by government funders, philanthropists and NFPs

Saturday, November 9, 2019

Knowledge For Social Work Essay

Social work education in Britain has undergone repeated and fundamental restructuring in the past decade. In the early 1990s the professional qualification, the Certificate in Qualifying Social Work (CQSW), was replaced by the Diploma in Social Work (DipSW), a shift which required significant curriculum changes. Now social work education is undergoing another major change, with the DipSW being replaced by an undergraduate degree. However, despite changes to practice and academic training requirements, there are some constants, some requirements which do not alter. One of these is the demand for social work students to demonstrate that they can ‘apply theory to practice’ as part of qualifying requirements. This requirement, presented casually alongside a long list of further requirements, characteristically fails to grasp that understanding the relationship between theory and practice has long been a source of debate within social science. In many respects, the recent debate in Britain (see Trevillion, 2000) continues, and draws upon, consistent themes in social theory over the relative merits or otherwise of positivist paradigms, with their underlying assumptions of a social world that can be revealed through the application of correct techniques. The early debates in social theory were structured by a widespread belief in the power of scientific and secular-philosophical knowledge to provide for the direction and improvement of natural and social life. The ‘age of reason’ provided a context of optimism in the possibilities for a collective life informed by justice and representing the march of progress. Though the optimism generally attributed to the Enlightenment was tempered by ambivalence on the part of some theorists, or rejected by others, the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were dominated by philosophical and theoretical interventions which, in general, supposed that knowledge could provide a foundation for political and social progress. This supposition could only be held by assuming that the world could be conceived of as an object, containing an underlying unity, progressing in a logical way, and peopled by subjects whose access to rational thought would liberate them collectively from the superstitions of pre-modern life. The underlying mechanisms of historical progress, the necessary regularities in social life, were held to be available to discovery by the sciences and philosophies, so that such knowledge attained a key role in the achievement of social progress (Penna, et al, 1999). Although the ‘age of reason’ was also characterized by profound ambivalence concerning the possibilities for rational progress, the social sciences displayed a deep belief in the possibilities of knowledge to understand the social world and therefore guide the development of rationally organized structures, institutions and interventions. Thus the objective of knowledge-generation has been the establishment of a foundational knowledge, derived from the exclusive truth-producing capacity of science, that can inform social action. Foundational principles have been based upon two important assumptions: that theory involved a distinction between mind and world, between the subject and object of knowledge, and that language functioned as a neutral medium for the mind to mirror or represent the world (Seidman 1994: 3). This historical intellectual legacy, together with a need for professional status dependent on a proper ‘knowledge-base’, drives demands that professional practice demonstrate the application of theory to practice. I want to suggest here that this demand betrays a lack of understanding of what theory is and what it can do and, at best, leaves students confused, whilst at worst it leads to cruel or ineffective practices in agencies. Here I outline the historical context that has led to a particular understanding of theory as a guide to action, point to some perils of its application in practice, and suggest a different method of dealing with theory on social work degree schemes. What is Theory? What we call ‘theory’ can be understood as a form of social action that gives direction and meaning to what we do. To be human is to search for meaning, and all of us hold theories about how and why particular things happen or do not happen. Some of these theories are little more than vague hypotheses about what will happen if we act in a certain way in a certain situation and what we might expect from others. But many of the theories we hold are more complex and express our understandings of, for example, how organizations work, of how people become offenders, or why the distribution of resources is as it is. In this sense theories are generalizations about what exists in the world and how the components of that world fit together into patterns. In this sense also theories are ‘abstractions’ in as much as they generalize across actual situations our expectations and suppositions about the reasons why certain patterns exist (O’Brien and Penna, 1998). In the same way that we use theory in our everyday lives, we also draw upon various theories as part of the ways we act in the world, so understandings of the ‘social’ dimension of social work are also built upon different theoretical foundations. As O’Brien and Penna (1998) point out, theories about the validity of data and research procedures, theories about what motivates individual behaviour, theories about what will happen if we intervene in particular situations in x way rather than y way, become embedded in social, economic and criminal justice policies developed, implemented and managed by different social groups. Theories about the proper relationship between the individual and the state, men and women, homosexual and heterosexual, inform policy and practice frameworks so that the frameworks that legally bound social work, as well as practice priorities and interventions, differ substantially from country to country. Theory about social life is either used or promoted in particular policy and welfare frameworks in order to make them more ‘effective’ or ‘appropriate’, and is invariably embedded in the social programs that ensue from them. In this way theories make up the premises and assumptions that guide the formulation of particular policies and practices in the first place, as well as their later implementation. Such premises are essentially theoretical: they are ‘imaginary’ in the sense that the conditions they describe, the logics of action and the structures of provision on which they focus are not proven, definite realities. This use of theory in the ways described above developed from the intellectual sea-change of the eighteenth century European Enlightenment. Prior to the Enlightenment, social organization was understood through theological worldviews, and government of the population justified largely according to divine right and religious edict: the Sovereign ruled over a subject population because he or she was divinely ordained to so. However, from the middle of the seventeenth century onwards a shift in intellectual thinking occurred which was to have major implications for the development of European societies. This historical period – The Enlightenment – marks a time when people start to be understood as self-creating, rather than as products of divine creation. A philosophical shift, questioning theological understandings of the human world and establishing the legitimacy of scientific explanations of the natural world, results eventually in a humanist understanding of social or ganization. The Enlightenment sees the establishment of new philosophical systems for understanding both the natural and human worlds and the development of rational responses to social problems. The Enlightenment promises progress and represents a faith in science as a progressive force which can understand, and hence solve, problems in the natural and social worlds. In this intellectual movement, new ways of thinking overlay those they were in the process of replacing, so that the cosmic transcendence of religious thought was replaced by the universalism of philosophy, and the methods and principles of the natural sciences. It was assumed that a theory could be developed that would substitute for the truth of religion. Eighteenth and nineteenth century social thought was focused, in the social sciences, on the search for one theory that could explain the social world and hence provide a guide to action – a theory that could be used in practice – famously captured by the term praxis. However, as the twentieth century developed, this conception of theory came under increasing attack, and this attack is one which has many implications for the use of theory in social work education and practice. Part 2 Some Problems With Theory Several events in Europe contributed to a questioning of the application of theory to practice. The establishment of a communist society based upon the premises of Marxist theory was one such event. As the mass exterminations, abuses of power and repressions of the communist state came to widespread notice, so did the rationales underlying them. The communist leadership, following particular strands of Marxist theory, imposed upon populations conditions which, in theory, were necessary for the development of a communist society. Those individuals who did not fit the predictions of theory, or questioned the premises upon which action was based, were considered ‘deviant’ and sent for ‘retraining’ in labour camps when they were not killed. The endless compulsory ‘self-criticism’ that members of various Marxist groups carried out was aimed at making individual behaviour conform to the tenets of theory. Yet when many thousands of individuals failed to conform, it was their behaviour that came under scrutiny, rather than the premises and assumptions of the theory, resulting in tragedy for thousands. The second tragedy was the application of theory to practice by Germany’s Nazi leadership. These two examples provide perhaps the most extreme illustrations of the application of theory to practice, but the history of social welfare is littered with more mundane examples that nevertheless cause great misery to those subject to theory application. We have seen the eugenics movement in the early twentieth century whose influence contributed to the institutionalisation (and worse) of people with learning difficulties, the widespread use in the mid-twentieth century of lobotomies in treating people with mental health problems and, to take two examples from this author’s practice career, the use of psychodynamic and behaviour modification theory in practice. I observed the use of psychodynamic theory in practice in the social work department of an acute unit in a psychiatric hospital. A senior social worker specialized in dealing with depressed female lone-parents. Reading through dozens of case-notes (meant to aid my practice) I was struck by the way that these women’s depression was attributed to various failures in their early psycho-sexual development, whilst their practical circumstances – victims of domestic violence, poor housing, lack of money – were completely ignored. Needless to say, these women failed to improve, but the point to note here is that this failure was not attributed to the faulty premises of the theory and the way in which it was being applied, but to the women’s innate psychopathology. My second example is taken from two years in a residential home for children with learning disabilities. Here a behaviour modification regime was implemented by management with no critical appreciation of debates in psychology about what it means to be human, what motivates behaviour and how behaviour should be understood. Those children who did not respond to ‘positive reinforcement’ (the majority) were labelled and punished, whilst the underlying problems of the theory itself left unexamined. In short, in both these cases, where service-users failed to fulfil predicted outcomes derived from particular theoretical paradigms, the response displayed a notably similar characteristic as in the examples from totalitarian societies – the users were pathologised, rather than theoretical premises examined.An objection could be made here that these examples merely demonstrate a-typical historical circumstances or incompetent practitioners. However, whether at the level of whole societies, whole social groups, or numerous disparate individuals, a backlash against the conjoining of knowledge and power has been manifest in many locations, including: the overthrow of communism in the Soviet Union, the critical interrogation of ‘totalising’ discourses, the decline in membership of organised, hierarchical political movements, the widespread development of ‘rights-based ’ and user movements, and a suspicion of ‘expert’ practice and bureaucraci es. In social theory, the last three decades or so has seen a particularly sustained interrogation of the status of Enlightenment theory. Under the impact of post-structuralism, particularly that associated with Foucault and Derrida , an unpackaging of the assumptions and premises of theory construction has severely undermined the ‘theory as truth and guide to practice’ position. This is not to say such challenges to Enlightenment theory did not exist before, for a long tradition of hermeneutic and phenomenological thought had posed alternative understandings of human and social action. Post-structuralism, however, has mounted a comprehensive and thorough critique of the epistemological basis of structuralism and realism. In the current examination of Enlightenment thought, Derrida ‘deconstructed’ major traditions in western social thought, showing how accounts of human knowledge depended on the use of key textual devices for obscuring problematic philosophical categories, or for revealing and endorsing particular interpretations and meanings of social and political progress. The construction of any text lends itself to several meanings and interpretations, such that it is impossible to arrive at any one fixed, ‘true’ account. Foucault, on the other hand, examined the epistemology underpinning the Enlightenment belief in the replacement of an institutionalised theological belief system with one which emphasised Reason and the limitless capacity of human knowledge. Enlightenment philosophy suggests that what occurs in the world is subject to entirely knowable and explainable laws that can be discovered and used in the progress of human society and human mastery over the natural and social world. Foucault’s contribution to the unpicking of this position was to show, through examinations of historical understandings of punishment and sexuality, that there are other ways of understanding this history which suggest a very different interpretation of the Enlightenment and its effects on social life, and demonstrate that many truths and experiences of social life co-exist that make it impossible to provide an overarching account that explains everything. At the same time, science constantly shifts its parameters, so that what may be ‘true’ at one historical moment is rendered false later. This brief outline cannot do justice to the sophistication and breadth of the critique of Enlightenment theory, critiques which have resulted in major debates over how we can know our world and what valid knowledge claims can be made (c.f., Lemert, 1999). Even where the foundations of poststructuralist epistemology are rejected there is a much greater appreciation of the problems associated with universalism and linear structures, two of the major props of Enlightenment theory. The permeation of these critiques is perhaps most evident in mainstream emphases on ‘difference’ and social constructivism, ‘difference’ and postmodernism, (c.f.,Briskman, 2001), and a general rejection in many disciplines of overarching, grand theory (Leonard, 1997). Here attention shifts to the assumptions embedded in theory and the way in which these assumptions become embedded in projects of nation-building, in legal and organisational structures, and in policy initiatives. Goldberg’s (1993, 2002) work on ‘race’ and racialization traces this process of embedding through an examination of the ways in which Enlightenment thought depended upon a racialized subject of social action and object of social theory. The pervasiveness of this discourse entrenches and normalizes symbolic representations and values both culturally and materially within the institutions of modern life (c.f., Goldberg, 1993: 8). The social sciences are ‘deeply implicated’ in the building of a racist culture and in the ‘hegemony of symbolic violence’ underpinning social systems (Goldberg, 1993: 12, 9). Roediger (1994) examines a similar process in American history and nation-building, pointing to a normalization of ‘Whiteness’ in the construction of conceptual and political subjects. This legacy enters social work in various ways (see Taylor, 1993), but appreciating the role of theory as cultural artefact, as a cultural product, produced in, and reproducing, social assumptions of normativity and relations of domination and subordination, can be similarly achieved in relation to gendered and sexualized categories, for example. This leads us to a situation in which theory itself can be understood as a key resource in forging a ‘modern’ consciousness, and socio-political spheres shot through with asymmetries of power (Penna and O’Brien, 1996/7), where exploitation and oppression operate through complex and unstable socio-economic mechanisms (O’Brien and Penna, 1996). Not only can the ‘social’ upon which we work not be known in its entirety, not be predicted, not be subject to fool-proof risk assessment, evaluation and so on, but theory production has arguably been a contributory mechanism in the creation of precisely many of those socially problematic circumstances that social work sets out to address. In short, Parton (2000:452) hits the nail on the head in claiming that we need to learn to live with ‘uncertainty, confusion and doubt’. Where then, does that leave theory in social work, if we accept this position? I want to turn briefly, and finally, to some suggestions of the use of theory in social work education. Using Theory At the beginning of this piece I suggested that we all use theory in our everyday lives. Given that this is so, and that theory permeates every aspect of academic work, policy implementation and practice initiatives, even when it is tacit and unacknowledged, I would propose that social work students and, ultimately, service-users, would be better served if students were taught how theory-construction takes place and how to unpackage and critically examine theoretical edifices, accounts and the components through which they are constructed. The task for social work students would be not the mechanistic injunction to ‘apply theory to practice’ but rather to consider how adequate the application of theory to practice might be in X or Y case. To do this, they would have to be taught not so much along ‘who-says-what’ lines, but rather in terms of how theorising as an activity works and how different theories are constructed. Theory building is an exercise in logic, moving from initial assumptions and premises to conclusions, through an argument linked by one or more claims. Taking these components apart can be taught as a skill (see, for example, Phelan and Reynolds, 1996; Thompson, 1996) rather than through the more philosophically based, social theory courses provided in many other disciplines. Tackling theory in a skills-based way has several advantages: it demystifies theory and enables students to see that, with practice, they can take a theory apart and reconstruct it in much the same way as a plumber or mechanic might tackle a job; it leads to a critical scrutiny of practice proposals derived from (often unstated) theoretical premises and to confidence in rejecting the inappropriate; and, when the theory fails to deliver, it leads to critical scrutiny of the theory rather than the person on the receiving end of it. This is not a plea for eclecticism, but for much more modest expectations of the theory-practice relationship than are currently formally embedded in many social work training programmes. I say ‘formally’ because many people have a suspicion of theory but, in my view, for the wrong reasons. Most theories offer insights into the ‘social’ sphere that is the ‘work’ of social workers but, ultimately, a theory is only as good as its critics. This paper considers the demand for social work students in Britain to demonstrate that they can ‘apply theory to practice’ as part of qualifying requirements. It suggests that this demand betrays a lack of understanding of what theory is and what it can do and, at best, leaves students confused, whilst at worst it leads to cruel or ineffective practices in agencies. Understanding the relationship between theory and practice has long been a source of debate and, in many respects, the recent debate continues, and draws upon, consistent themes in social theory over the relative merits or otherwise of positivist paradigms with their underlying assumptions of a social world that can be revealed through the application of correct techniques. The early debates in social theory were structured by a widespread belief in the power of scientific and secular-philosophical knowledge to provide for the direction and improvement of natural and social life. The ‘age of reason’ provided a context of optimism in the possibilities for a collective life informed by justice and representing the march of progress. This paper outlines the historical context that has led to a particular understanding of theory as a guide to action, points to some perils of its application in practice, and suggests a different method of dealing with theory on social work degree schemes. Evidence-based practice in teaching and teacher education What is it? What is the rationale? What is the criticism? Where to go now? Christer Brusling, Oslo University College, Centre for Study of the Professions. Invited paper to a workshop at the conference Professional Development of Teachers in a Lifelong Perspective: Teacher Education, Knowledge Production and Institutional Reform. Centre for Higher Education Greater Copenhagen in collaboration with OECD, Copenhagen, November, 17-18. 2005. What is it? Where does it come from? What is the rationale? This movement, if I may call it that, seems to have originated in the British educational context, and with a lecture given by David Hargreaves to the Teacher Training Agency in 1996. Unfortunately I have been unable to get a copy of it in Norway – there is none in Norwegian libraries1. Lacking this original source I will rely on what comes forward in second-hand sources, in published criticisms in mainly British journals, and in later articles by Hargreaves, where he answers his critics. Philip Davies (1999) from University of Oxford, â€Å"the other place† from Hargreaves’ That doesn’t mean that the movement hasn’t reached Norway. A recent NOK 100 million proposal for educational research in partnership with schools show that at least the former conservative government knew about it, mainly through Demos, a British â€Å"independent think tank† (demos.co.uk) Agora nr. 8 – tidsskrift for forskning, udvikling og idà ©udveksling i professioner www.cvustork.dk/agora 88 perspective, writes favourably about evidence-based education in an article named â€Å"What is evidence-based education?†. He says that it operates on two levels, the first being â€Å"to utilize existing evidence from worldwide research and literature on education and related subjects†, the second â€Å"to establish sound evidence where existing evidence is lacking or of a questionable, uncertain, or weak nature† (p.109). The first level is described thus: Educationalists at all levels need to be able to: †¢ pose an answerable question about education; †¢ know where and how to find evidence systematically and comprehensively using the electronic (computer-based) and non-electronic (print) media; †¢ retrieve and read such evidence competently and undertake critical appraisal and analysis of that evidence according to agreed professional and scientific standards; †¢ organise and grade the power of this evidence; and †¢ determine its relevance to their educational needs and environments2. (Davies 1999, p.109). Davies acknowledges the debt of the education sector to medicine and other health professions, which predated education with fi ve to ten years in the implementation of the idea of evidence-based practices. According to Davies, it is derived from the University of Oxford Master’s programme in Evidence Based Health Care. argreaves explicitly argues for evidence-based teaching by pointing to the success of the idea in medicine, and by the similarity of the work of doctors and teachers: Practicing doctors and teachers are applied professionals, practical people making interventions in the lives of their clients in order to promote worthwhile ends – health or learning. Doctors and teachers are similar in that they make 2 Note that evidence-based education in this defi nition curiously enough comes out as a pure intellectual exercise, lacking the fi nal application to practice. Agora nr. 8 – tidsskrift for forskning, udvikling og idà ©udveksling i professioner www.cvustork.dk/agora 89 decisions involving complex judgements. Many doctors draw upon research about the effects of their practice to inform and improve their decisions; most teachers do not, and this is a difference. (Hargreaves 1997, p. ) One reason to turn to evidence-based education is that doing so would make education less vulnerable to â€Å"political ideology, conventional wisdom, folklore, and wishful thinking†, not to mention â€Å"trendy teaching methods based on activity-based, student-centred, self-directed learning and problem solving† (Davies 1999, p. 109). But what constitutes evidence? For Hargreaves (1997) evidence is evidence about â€Å"what works†. The dictionary says that evidence is â€Å"something that furnishes proof† (m-w.com). To be able to provide proof of the â€Å"working† you need to measure the outcome of the teaching activity in question, and you need a procedure of relating the measured outcomes to the activity to make the relation an evidence3. Hargreaves doesn’t see much of a problem with how outcomes are constructed, but is adamant about what ought to be the preferred procedure, the RCT, the randomized control trial, often called â€Å"the golden standard†4. Davies (1999), on the other hand, is more permissive of a variety of procedures, thus voicing a broader conception of educational outcomes. In addition to RCT, he mentions survey and correlational methods, regression analysis and analysis of variance. He allows for inquiries that seek to describe the meanings different people attach to different teaching activities, and the broader and long-term consequences of them, e.g. on â€Å"students’ and parents’ sense of self and their sense of social worth and identity† (p. 115). Analyses of naturally occurring teaching interactions, conversation and discourse are In keeping with the parallel with medicine, I would say that not only expected and beneficial outcomes should be measured but also non-expected and possibly harmful ones. Hargreaves here echoes the standard text of research methodology from 1963, Campbell & Stanley, Experimental and Quasi-experimental Designs for Research: â€Å"[We are] committed to the experiment: as the only means for settling disputes regarding educational practice, as the only way of verifying educational improvements, and as the only way of establishing a cumulative tradition†. Cited by Howe (2005), p.308. Agora nr. 8 – tidsskrift for forskning, udvikling og idà ©udveksling i professioner www.cvustork.dk/agora 90 also mentioned as worth-while in this context. He further wants to ask normative questions within the evidence-based teaching paradigm: â€Å"whether or not it is right or warrantable to undertake a particular educational activity or health care intervention† (p.115). Davies’ (1999) omission of the necessary last element in evidence-based practice, i.e. how the purported evidence is to be put to use in practice, avoids a difficult and much discussed problem. Hargreaves (1999b) is of course right in pointing out that this problem is different if practice refers to policy making, as in the phrase evidence-based policy, or to teaching in classrooms, as in the phrase evidence-based teaching. The use of evidence in policy making is about deciding on â€Å"large issues concerned with levels and types of resource allocation – decisions which are difficult to undo† while the use of evidence in teaching â€Å"refer to the relatively small-scale professional practices of teachers in schools and classrooms, which can usually be easily revised† (Hargreaves 1999b, p. 245). In both circumstances enter a lot of considerations apart from â€Å"evidence†. Answering critique from Hammersley (1997) Hargreaves (1999b) admits that context sensitive â€Å"’practical wisdom’ pervades (both) expert medical and educational practice. There is some hard science deep in the knowledge-base of doctors, but the closer a doctor gets to an individual patient, the stronger the elements of judgement or of practical wisdom that also enters into the decision. Teachers acquire ‘practical wisdom’ too; but, in comparison with doctors, they have little accepted scientifi c knowledge to insert into their decision-making.† He claims that the infra structure of knowledge available to teachers is far less developed than that available to doctors, and that teachers seem to be less effi cient than doctors in fi nding the scientifi c knowledge there is. He argues that one reason for this is that the knowledge base in medicine is cumulative while that in education is not, but ought to become. This leads to Davies (1999) second level of concerns about evidence-based teaching: â€Å"to establish sound evidence where existing evidence is lacking or of a questionable, uncertain, or weak nature†. Hargreaves’ lecture in 1996 to the Teacher Training Agency stated that teachers only to a small extent base their practice on (hard) scientific evidence, but he didn’t blame teachers but researchers for failing to produce such evidence, especially produced by RCT procedures. With the  £12,000,000 funding for developing evidence-based policy and practice by research he hoped researchers would be encouraged to respond appropriately (Hargreaves 1999a). In another journal article the same year, titled â€Å"The Knowledge Creating School†, he urges teachers themselves to produce the knowledge they need. To sum up: Evidence-based teaching is a concept borrowed from the health sciences and recommended for teachers (you might add: by new-public-management-governments and elite researchers). You may get the impression that it’s use implies a critique of teachers for not including research-based evidence in deliberations on how to teach, but mainly it is a critique of educational researchers for not providing the needed cumulative research-base, built on research of the randomized control trial (RCT) kind. The rationale is that once such research has taken off and its results have been efficiently disseminated, evidence-based, or evidence informed, teaching will become more frequent. Critique of the notion of evidence-based practice Hammersley (1999) challenges Hargreaves’ on three accounts: his description of educational research as non-cumulative, his prescription on how research could contribute to practice, and his argument that education should learn from medicine, which he considers a parallel to education. Hammersley shares the view that educational research could become more cumulative, but researching ‘what works’ has not proved successful in this respect, despite sustained attempts: â€Å"much educational research in the first two-thirds of the twentieth century was devoted to investigation of effective teaching; and one of the reasons for the changes in educational research over the past 20 years is precisely the failure of this work to produce conclusive, cumulative fi ndings† (p.144). But he also reminds us that there are different meanings of the concept â€Å"cumulative†. There are obvious â€Å"problems involved in identifying distinct and standardised ‘treatments’ in education†, Hammersley exemplifi es by the â€Å"problems faced by researchers seeking to distinguish teaching styles†. What about the problems in operationalising the concept of learning? What should be done about the disagreements about what students should learn? What about the problems of how to measure â€Å"the most important kinds of learning†? Hammersley asks if it is possible even in principle to do so. A preoccupation with what is easily measured may very well have profound effect on teaching, narrowing objectives accordingly. To establish fixed, universal causal patterns in teaching seems equally difficult, if not impossible. What might be aspired to is â€Å"local, context-sensitive patterns in which interpretation and decision on the part of teachers and students play an important role. Unlike in most areas of medicine, in education the ‘treatments’ consist of symbolic interaction, with all the scope for multiple interpretations and responses which that implies†. Hammersley thinks that â€Å"the production of information of high practical relevance usually depends on a great deal of knowledge that does not have such relevance†¦for science to be able to contribute knowledge that is relevant to practice, a division of labour is required: a great deal of coordinated work is necessary tackling smaller, more manageable problems that do not have immediate pay-off†. Hargreaves is described as having a â€Å"narrowly instrumental view of practical relevance†, promoting an ‘engineering model’ of the relationship between research and practice. An engineering model assumes that most teaching problems are technical, which is not likely. On the contrary they seem in most cases to be ‘practical’, that is involving making judgements in complex situations, exercising discretion, not following rules. The analogy with medicine is criticised for not taking into account that the practice of medicine is more towards the engineering side of a continuum which at the other side has the practical. Even within medicine the notion of evidence-based practice has been criticised for downplaying practical judgement in clinical situations, that â€Å"the focus of clinical practice is subtly shifted away from the care of individuals toward the care of populations, and the complex nature of sound clinical judgement is not fully appreciated† (Tonelli 2000). Hammersley cites a medical researcher who raises the same critique towards medical research as Hargreaves does to educational research: it is methodological weak, use inappropriate designs, unrepresentative and small samples, incorrect methods of analysis, and faulty interpretations. The blame is put on practitioners doing research without adequate research training, a fact that doesn’t actually support Hargreaves’ recommendation that more teacher research should lead to a stronger body of knowledge with practical relevance. Hammersley concludes his critique: â€Å"The diagnosis (of the current state of educational research) is mistaken and, taken as a whole: the prescription is likely to be lethal†. In the North American context an equally forceful critique of the arguments for research for evidence-based practice has been voiced by Howe (2005). His critique is organised under the headings â€Å"experimentism5 and scientifi c method†, and â€Å"experimentism and values†. The object of his analysis is a National Research Council report, Scientifi c Research in Education (2002), which he means represent a more moderate form of experimentism than other infl uential publications advocating research for evidence-based practice. In short he states that this report: †¢ unconvincingly characterizes the conduct of research as hierarchical, both temporally and logically (p. 309); †¢ offers little defense of its call for a renewed emphasis on randomised experiments against well-known criticisms regarding the issue of external validity (generalisability from research contexts to other contexts) (p.309); †¢ does not take into account Cronbach’s observation that generalizations decay, The word †experimentism† is used by Howe to refer to scientifi c research advocating the randomised control trial as the â€Å"best† research method. thus making the goal of a cumulative education science fundamentally unattainable; †¢ does not take into account that human intentionality signifi cantly complicates how to understand causal explanation in social research; †¢ places outcomes outside educational research, by focusing on means; †¢ places not-manipulable variables, like socio-economic stratifi cation, outside the limits of educational research by insisting on RCT as the method of choice, thus making educational research â€Å"a political innocent exercise†. Howe (2005) turns to Toulmin (2001) to fi nd an alternative to experimentism – an alternative that is without the short-comings described above: Activities for which social research is often seen as a tool for improvement – medicine and education, for instance – call for intentional behaviour on the part of practitioners in the form of craft-based practical judgement. Stephen Toulmin observes that when performed well, these judgements must respond in a â€Å"timely† manner to the unique and unanticipated actions of other persons, as well as to their different ways of seeing things. According to Toulmin, research informing such practices should exemplify a model that is â€Å"clinical† and â€Å"democratic† rather than â€Å"applied† and â€Å"elite† (Howe 2005, p. 317). Teachers’ relationship to research Do teachers experience a lack of research results when planning to teach? How do teachers relate to educational research? Do teachers fi nd some research genres more relevant and practically useful than others? Does teachers’ practice-based research contribute to a knowledge base of teaching? None of these questions are raised in the early discussions on evidence-based teaching, but specific answers to them seem to enter as premises to prescriptions. I would think that the answer to the first question is no. A common place view of teachers’ planning is that it is based on textbooks and concerned with amounts of â€Å"covering†, using standard methods of classroom instruction: a short introduction by the teacher, independent pupil work with textbook exercises, question-and-answer-patterns, summing up by the teacher in class. Twenty years ago research on teachers’ planning was frequent, today it seems to be an almost closed field of study. Perhaps the expectations of the paradigm of evidence-based teaching on teachers to include research results in their deliberations on how to teach may lead to its re-opening. Do teachers find some research genres more relevant and practically useful than others? Kennedy (1999) observes that: Many genre advocates refer to teachers to justify their arguments, claiming that teachers need more authoritative knowledge (so we should conduct experiments), more dynamic portraits that reveal multiple truths (so we should write narratives), or more richly detailed accounts (so we should do ethnographies). (Kennedy 1999, p.511) Case studies and ethnographies, she continues, have long been justified by: †¦contentions that educational events are governed not by universal laws of cause and effect but, instead, by human interactions and by multiple concurrent and interacting influences; that the meanings of these events can be understood only within their context; that detailed descriptions of the full range of these interactions and dynamics are the only way to accurately represent these events and their meanings; that the kind of complex dynamic knowledge represented in case studies and ethnographies is more like the kind of knowledge ordinary people use to store their experiences; and that such detailed and multifaceted descriptions enable audiences to see similarities and differences between the research setting and their own situations, thus enabling generalizations by analogy rather than by statistical extrapolation. (Kennedy 1999, p.54) She sets out to investigate if teachers find some research genres more persuasive, more relevant, and more influential on own practice, than others, and if so, what features of each genre contribute to these evaluations. 100 teachers were interviewed after having read five articles describing research of different genres. Results show that the three evaluative criteria were highly correlated, but also that reasons for valuing them varied across genres. Experiments appeared to be highly valued, but so were non-experimental comparisons and narratives. Case studies appeared more influential than surveys. Independent of genre research studies proved to be particularly useful if they â€Å"helped teachers understand the relationship between teaching and learning† (Kennedy 1999, p.528). Kennedy concludes that a majority of teachers found most of the articles persuasive and relevant, but for different reasons. The genre contentions with which she started were not empirically verified. The TTA itself designed a questionnaire on teachers’ perspectives on educational research, and distributed it as attachments to journals of two teacher organisations, one for primary teachers, the other for secondary teachers. Everton, Galton & Pell (2000) report on the findings. As an unknown number of subscribers were â€Å"corporate members for local education authorities and industrial companies† they were unable to specify teachers’ response percentages. It was however estimated that the first group only returned 15% of the questionnaires, the second possibly a little more. In the second group most, i.e. 84%, were filled out by school leaders. All in all: the manner this investigation was carried out does not justify its analysis in terms of â€Å"teachers’ perspectives†. Does teachers’ practice-based research contribute to a knowledge base of teaching? As a result of Hargreaves 1996 lecture to the Teacher Training Agency the British government allocated  £54000 to the funding of teacher research projects. In an evaluation of the resulting reports Foster (1999) found that â€Å"a significant minority of the projects appeared to be practical: concerned with the improvement of teaching, learning or educational achievement, rather than the production of knowledge† (p. 383). He found â€Å"that only in a minority of the reports are factual claims well established†¦ as a result, it is difficult to see these as much more than opinion based on pre-existing views of good practice† (p. 393). Foster concludes that critical scrutiny of findings from teacher research before dissemination is crucial, but is afraid that â€Å"the view of knowledge production and dissemination which underpins this TTA scheme sees little role for such scrutiny. The priorities are rapid production and immediate dissemination to practitioners† (p. 395). To sum up: There is research evidence that teachers see the RCT research genre as relevant and useful to practice, but no more so than many other research genres. There is research evidence that teachers’ practice-based research does not contribute substantially to a body of knowledge on teaching, not to mention a cumulative one. Concluding remarks In line with the observation that there is more to teachers’ decision making than following authoritative evidence-based rules for practice, the discourse have changed from talking dichotomously about evidence-based/not evidence-based teaching to talking about evidence-informed teaching (Hargreaves 1999b) or the extent to which teaching is evidence-based (Davies 1999). It is interesting to note that while waiting (?) for research-produced evidence on â€Å"what works†, in teaching and in teacher education, British teacher education has become teacher training, managed by the Training & Development Agency for Schools. Its publication â€Å"Qualifying to teach. Professional standards for qualified teacher status and requirements for initial teacher training† lists skills, competencies and understandings would-be teachers must acquire (TDA 2005). Hagger & McIntyre (2000) complains that â€Å"these lists have been accompanied neither by any rationale for the items listed nor by any explanation of the conception of teaching expertise which underlies the lists† (p. 485). Not surprisingly, I found that in this publication the word ‘training’ appears 51 times, the word ‘education’ 15 times (most of these in naming school subjects or institutions), the words ‘research’, and ‘theory’ did not appear at all. My conclusion is that there are serious problems, philosophical, historical, and political problems, with the notion of evidence-based practice transferred to teaching and teacher education, at least in its original interpretation. American Speech-Language-Hearing Association (ASHA). (1999). Omnibus Survey. 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(1993) ‘Challenges from the Margins’ in Clarke, J. (ed) A Crisis in Care? Challenges to Social Work. Sage, London. Thomson, A. (1996) Critical Reasoning. A practical introduction. Routledge, London. Trevillion, S. (2000) ‘Social Work Research: What Kind of Knowledge/Knowledges? An Introduction to the Papers’, Brt. Jnl of Social Work, 30, 429-432 Sue Penna, Ph.D. can be contacted via e-mail at: S.Penna@lancaster.ac.uk